Faced with war in West Africa and Western sanctions, the Christian minority in the Sahel region, plagued by jihadists, is praying fervently for peace.
The military coup in Niger has entered its third week. Four days after the July 26 coup, the 15-member Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) threatened to intervene militarily if democracy was not restored within seven days.
That deadline has passed, and leaders are still weighing their options while imposing sanctions against the junta, the group of military officials who seized power. But concerned about this seventh coup in the Sahel region since 2020, West Africa's last remaining democracies believe they must draw a line in the sand.
Neighboring countries Mali and Burkina Faso, both ruled by the military following recent coups, have warned that any foreign intervention in Niger would be considered an act of war against them.
Niger suffered its latest coup attempt in 2021, just before the elected president—now deposed—was sworn in. The former French colony was the last bastion of Western military cooperation against jihadist militants in the Sahel, amid Russia's expanding regional influence through its Wagner mercenary unit. Niger, meanwhile, is the world's seventh-largest producer of uranium.
Christianity Today interviewed Illia Djadi, Open Doors' senior analyst for religious freedom and belief in sub-Saharan Africa. Although he lives in London, he is a citizen of Niger, ranked 28th on World Watch's list of the 50 nations where it is most difficult to be a Christian. Mr. Djadi presented the regional context, described the difficult but improving situation for Christians, and made a strong appeal against military intervention:
How serious is the current situation in Niger?
I am very sad. As a Nigerian, I find the situation difficult to watch.
But as an analyst, I can say with certainty that what happened two weeks ago has plunged Niger into a new era of uncertainty. The country is facing an Islamist terrorist insurgency originating in Nigeria, Mali, and Burkina Faso. Niger is also one of the poorest nations in the world, and unemployment facilitates the radicalization of our youth. We are not in paradise.
But compared to our neighbors, our situation was much better. For the first time in our history, a president served two terms before handing over power in democratic elections. And President Mohamed Bazoum has done a lot to stabilize the country and improve security. I cannot remember the last terrorist attack we suffered. And despite its poverty, Niger is home to 300,000 refugees from other countries because it is safe. All this shows that the coup was unjustified and that it is a major political setback. Active militants will take advantage of the resulting instability.
Why did the coup take place?
Personal ambition. The junta claims that the coup was motivated by security concerns and the deteriorating economy. But some say that the president was ready to appoint a new security chief. The security chief, who had been in his post for 12 years, was due to leave, but he refused and deposed the president in order to retain his power.
Do you see a connection between this coup and others in the Sahel region?
Only in two respects: There is general regional political fragility and a copy-and-paste mentality. With coups having taken place in Mali and Burkina Faso, people expect this to happen here too. West African youth harbor anti-French sentiment toward the colonial past, and some have waved Russian flags at protests.
I don't know if Russia is behind the coup.
But the region faces external influence from France, the United States, Middle Eastern countries, and, more recently, Russia. Niger is the main Western ally in the region. As a French-speaking country, we have many ties. We are witnessing a new rush to Africa in search of its natural resources.
In this context, France is often singled out as a scapegoat. This scapegoating is sometimes valid, but France is not responsible for everything. And it is certainly not fair to say, "Let's replace France with Russia." This is what happened in Mali and Burkina Faso, and these nations are heading in the wrong direction.
How does that happen?
Political instability. Since the coup d'état in 2012, Mali has never recovered, with one coup following another. Each new leader promises solutions, but the country is losing the battle against terrorism.
The 2014 social uprising in Burkina Faso also led to a military coup that attempted to resolve the resulting problems but never succeeded. Once again, coups followed one after another, and today the country has lost control of more than half of its territory to militant insurgencies.
Do you think that military intervention by ECOWAS is necessary to stem the tide of military regimes and the resulting instability?
No, that would make the situation worse. Military intervention would create chaos and provide a safe haven for terrorists. We don't want another Libya, bordering Niger, which ended up exporting instability throughout the Sahel region. Whether Western or African, war would be a similar mistake.
Did Christians express their opinion on the coup?
No, as a religious community, they are not required to do so. However, they were included by the junta when national stakeholders were convened. It was simply a matter of providing explanations, and the junta asked the Church to pray for the nation. Evangelical and Catholic churches issued a call to prayer for a peaceful resolution to the crisis.
Nigerien Christians have no political opinion, but they oppose the imposition of economic sanctions against their country. These will affect everyone, just as a war would. But for the most part, Christians are worried, fearing they will be among the first to pay the price if the chaos continues.
Why?
In 2015, during the protests against Charlie Hebdo in France, when the magazine published satirical cartoons of Muhammad, protests also took place in Niger. Muslims burned French flags and a French cultural center, but then they attacked churches, homes, and Christian schools. Many people associate Christians with Westerners, and once again we see French flags being burned. This is therefore a warning sign.
How do Christians fit into the social fabric of Niger?
They represent a tiny minority: 1% of the population, compared to 99%. And although Niger is a secular country where freedom of religion is protected by the constitution, Christians often face difficulties. We have cases of Nigeriens who have been denied university scholarships because of their Christian names, for example.
Catholic Christianity appeared in the 19th century with French colonialism, but the Protestant church was largely established by American missionaries. The largest denomination—now known as the Evangelical Church of Niger—is the result of the work of the SIM, which came from Nigeria.
Baptists are also present, mainly in the western region. In the 1980s, Pentecostal groups from various parts of the world—France, the United States, Nigeria, Burkina Faso, and Ivory Coast—came to Niger and created, among others, the Assemblies of God denomination.
But overall, Christians share the same poverty as everyone else.
What is your faith story?
I was raised in the evangelical church. My parents attended a Christian school and eventually converted. My extended family includes Muslims and members of traditional religions, and we live together in peace.
In middle school, however, I became aware of how different I was. Classmates asked me, "You're Nigerian, Hausa, how can you be Christian?" I began to wonder if my faith was a mistake.
But in high school, I had developed strong convictions, not only to defend my faith, but also to challenge others. My friends called me "the pope," in reference to John Paul II, because I wasn't afraid to face the crowd. You have to be strong to be a Christian in Niger, and when I think about my current position as a lawyer, that's probably how it all started.
What is the next step for Nigerian Christians?
We don't know—the context is very fragile. But as I said, our country is doing better than its neighbors, and the situation for Christians has also improved. After 2015, the government responded to the riots by strengthening religious relations, and the Church joined the successful national campaign to promote social cohesion. Today, Christians are present in the public sphere and employed in the civil service. We have the freedom to preach and even to organize large public gatherings.
The last time I lived in Niger, I was the national director of our youth association, and we organized summer camps in churches and our Protestant schools. Today, the camps are held in public places, attended by senior officials, and broadcast by public television and radio stations.
The military coup is a setback. But so far, there has been no indication of anti-Christian rhetoric. We fear instability and pray for peace. God willing, this period of uncertainty will come to an end.
Credit:
JAYSON CASPER | August 11, 2023
Christianity Today
Translation: FOMECAF
